China Cannot Only Pursue Democracy
Wei Jingsheng (魏京生) was brave to attack the administration under Mao Zedong (毛泽东) and Deng Xiaoping (邓小平) during a sensitive period of dictatorship. He is anti-communist. But, he was a member of the Red Guards and joined the People’s Liberation Army. I agree somewhat with the democracy polemic of Wei’s; however, his point of view about democracy and politics is biased, and his arguments are unilateral and superficial. He did not see problems in China as far-reaching – he argued in a narrow way, which made his statements and thesis weak from today’s political view.
Wei Jingsheng argued that democracy would be China’s “Fifth modernization,” playing off the “Four Modernizations” policy of Deng Xiaoping. Wei recognized that Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping were dictators, and not ones to put power in the hands of the people. But he argued that this was necessary for China to modernize.
Government pronouncements of its intentions were very important to Wei Jingsheng. The Chinese government was a dictatorship, and somewhat immature. Under Deng Xiaoping’s economic program, China created enormous bureaucracies filled with corrupt officials, thousands of people were laid off from their jobs, and small economic zones were created for experimenting with free-market capitalism. These zones experienced great success, but they were limited. As a result, the disparity of poor and rich is incredibly huge in today’s China.
Kang Youwei (康有为) was a representative of the bourgeoisie reformism. Kang had detailed plan to convince Emperor Guangxu to reform. His plans took more consideration of all Chinese people – the whole nation. Compared to Wei, Kang’s plans had a better chance of being put into practice; they are based on the idea that unity is strength. Kang’s ideas are not as biased as Wei’s ideas, and they are more far-reaching. For example, Kang focused on modern financial and educational infrastructures. In contrast, Wei did not mention much about education and finance in his “Fifth Modernization.”
I think Wei’s understanding of the word “democracy” is one-sided. His point of view doesn’t cover all the situations that existed during the Mao and Deng years. He didn’t show how democracy works in the Western countries, or consider that democracy might not be the ideal for China’s situation. Wei didn’t realize how difficult it would be to manage China’s very large population – including many different minorities – under a democratic system. It is very hard and complex to manage such a big country like China. By leaving out issues from Tibet, Taiwan and Xinjiang, Wei doesn’t present a comprehensive view of China.
Furthermore, according to Wei, Europe and America enjoy true democracies; however, Wei does not give us much evidence to prove his point of view in his essay. The Chinese government always says that every country has different national conditions, thus, different countries have different administrations: there is no single ideal system that works for everybody. In fact, Western countries have problems with democracy too. As long as governments exist in this world, people will always be controlled – and even oppressed – to some degree, whether in China or in the Western countries that Wei so admired. I can’t help but wonder, how come governments and their people always have disagreements? Shouldn’t the government give benefits to the people first instead of itself? Wei doesn’t admit that democracies aren’t perfect.
Wei clearly believes that democracy is important for economic development. He said that without it, “society will become stagnant and economic growth will encounter insurmountable obstacles.” Yet Wei does not name a single “obstacle” that nondemocratic societies cannot overcome. He has no evidence when he claims that “it would be impossible not only to continue further development but also to preserve the fruits of the present stage of development” ( Wei, 1978, p. 5). How does he explain China’s recent economic boom, which has not brought democracy?
While China still has a severe lack of freedom, its economy has been freed from the shackles of a centrally planned system, resulting in a huge economic expansion. But the country still faces a host of issues, of which the lack of political freedom is just one. With a combination of challenges such as social security, legitimacy, ethics, race, and separatism, China cannot only pursue democracy. We should consider more carefully Chinese people’s human development, health care, literacy, and life expectancy. When people have truly improved their living standard, their happiness can bring them to a new political stage. Hence, I argue Wei’s thesis was not far-reaching enough.

